Rome February 11, 1950 [Published in the Democratic School, the magazine of the battle for a new school, Rome, iv, suppl. paragraph 2 of 20 March 1950, pp. 1-5]
Dear Colleagues, We are here
teachers all kinds of schools, from elementary to university
[...] . We are gathered here in this conference which is entitled to the defense of the school. Why we defend the school? Perhaps the school is in danger? What is the school that we are defending? What is the danger that hangs over the school that we are defending? Can you come immediately to mind that we are gathered to defend the secular school. It is also a bit 'true and was told this morning. But this is not all, there is something higher. This should not impoverish our meeting in a controversy between clerical and anticlerical. Without saying, then, that what we are defending. Now, you are really sure that we have a school in Italy secular? That we can defend the secular school as if there were, after art. 7? But let us do, we go further. We defend the democratic school: the school that corresponds to the democratic constitution that we wanted to give, the school that is a function of this Constitution, which can be an instrument, because the Constitution written on the sheets [...]
become a reality.
The school, as I see it, is an organ of "constitutional". Has its position, its importance to the center of the complex of organs that make up the Constitution. As you know (you all have read our Constitution), in the second part of the Constitution, what is called "the law of the State, "describes those organs through which it expresses the will of the people. Those organs through which policy becomes law, vital and healthy struggles of politics into law. Now, when you can think of asking what are the constitutional bodies, all of you will naturally answer: are the houses, the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate, the President of the Republic, the Judiciary, but there will occur between these bodies to consider also the school, which instead is a vital organ of democracy as we conceive. If you were to make a comparison between the constitutional body and the human organism, one would say that the school is to those bodies nell'organismo umano hanno la funzione di creare il sangue
[...] .
La scuola, organo centrale della democrazia, perché serve a risolvere quello che secondo noi è il problema centrale della democrazia: la formazione della classe dirigente. La formazione della classe dirigente, non solo nel senso di classe politica, di quella classe cioè che siede in Parlamento e discute e parla (e magari urla) che è al vertice degli organi più propriamente politici, ma anche classe dirigente nel senso culturale e tecnico: coloro che sono a capo delle officine e delle aziende, che insegnano, che scrivono, artisti, professionisti, poeti. Questo è il problema della democrazia, la creazione di questa classe, which should not be a hereditary caste, closed, an oligarchy, a church, a priesthood, an order. No. In our thinking about democracy, the ruling class must be open and constantly renewed by the influx to the top of the best elements of all classes, of all categories. Each class, each class must be able to free up its best elements, because each of them may temporarily, temporarily, for that brief moment of life that fate allows each of us, helping to bring his work , his best personal qualities to the advancement of society [...]
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must serve democracy, enable each man worthy of having its share of sun and dignity (applause). But this can only do the school, which is the corollary of universal suffrage. The school, which has precisely this character up a political sense, because it alone can help you choose, it can only help create the people worthy of being chosen, which normally surface from all walks of life.
You see, this image is enshrined in a constitutional article, albeit with a less imaginative formula. "Article. 34, where it is said: "The school is open to all. Capable and deserving pupils, even without financial resources, have the right to attain the highest levels of education." This is the article more important than our Constitution. One must appreciate the political and social value of this article. Seminarium rei I published, said the Latin marriage. We could say the school: I published seminarium offenders: the school draws the best for the renovation continues, daily of the ruling class. Now, if this is the constitutional function of the school in our republic, let us ask: how is it built this tool? What are its principles? First, state school. The State must provide its schools. First of all the public schools. Prior to enhance the private school must speak of the public school. The public school is the prius, that is the private posterius. For there to be a good private school is necessary that the state is excellent (applause). You see, we must first put the emphasis on that paragraph of art. 33 of the Constitution that says so: "The Republic lays down general rules for education and establishes state schools for all orders and degrees." Thus, to this paragraph [...]
the state on schools, the first All of a regulatory function. The State must place the school legislation in its general principles. Then, immediately, the state has a function of achievement
[...] .
The State must not say: I do as a school model, then the rest of the others do. No, the school is open to everyone and if everyone wants to attend school in the state, there must be all kinds of schools, many schools excellent, equivalent to the principles laid down by the state, public schools, making it possible to gather all those who turn to go to the State in its schools. The school is open to all. The State must therefore be good schools to accommodate all. This is written in art. 33 of the Constitution. The school in the state, the democratic school is a school that has a unifying effect, is the school of all, create citizens, not create either Catholics or Protestants or Marxists. The school is an expression of another article of the Constitution: Article. 3: "All citizens have social equality and are equal before the law, without distinction of sex, race, language, religion, political opinion, of personal and social conditions. "And the art. 151:" All citizens are eligible for public office and for elective positions on equal terms, according to the requirements established by law. "Of these two items should be an instrument of state schools, civic equality of this instrument, in this respect for the freedom of all faiths and of all opinions [...]
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When public school is so "strong and safe, then, but only then, the private school is not dangerous. Then, but only then can the private school be an asset. It can be a good thing that private forces, educational initiatives of classes, religious groups, political groups, philosophies, cultural trends of, cooperate with the state to expand, to stimulate, and renew attempts with a variety of culture. In family law, enshrined in another article of the Constitution, in Article 30, to instruct and educate their children, this opportunity is to be given to families to make their children attend schools of their choice and then allow the establishment of schools that best correspond with certain guarantees that we will now see the political preferences, religious, cultural of that family. But let us make well aware that while public school is an expression of unity, cohesion, civic equality, the private school is an expression of diversity, which may mean heterogeneity of current decentralized system which the State must prevent currents become disruptive. The private school, in other words, it is not created for this.
School of the Republic, the state school, the school is not a philosophy, a religion, a political party, a sect. So why private schools springing up may be good and not a danger, you must: (1) that the State and monitor the controls and that are neutral, impartial between them. Does not favor one group of private schools to the detriment of others. (2) That private schools correspond to certain minimum level of seriousness of organization. Only in this way and other more precise, that are soon to tell, you can have the advantage of co-existence of public schools with private school. The race is between private and state schools. They establish a competition between public schools and private schools, so that the State arising from these private schools, and that eventually may lead to ideas and achievements so far in the public schools did not exist, feel encouraged to do better , to make, whether I am allowed the expression, "more optimistic" their schools. Stimulus, therefore, must be the private school to the state, not because of abdication.
Ci siano pure scuole di partito o scuole di chiesa. Ma lo Stato le deve sorvegliare, le deve regolare; le deve tenere nei loro limiti e deve riuscire a far meglio di loro. La scuola di Stato, insomma, deve essere una garanzia, perché non si scivoli in quello che sarebbe la fine della scuola e forse la fine della democrazia e della libertà, cioè nella scuola di partito. Come si fa a istituire in un paese la scuola di partito? Si può fare in due modi. Uno è quello del totalitarismo aperto, confessato. Lo abbiamo esperimentato, ahimè. Credo che tutti qui ve ne ricordiate, quantunque molta gente non se ne ricordi più. Lo abbiamo sperimentato sotto il fascismo. Tutte le scuole diventano scuole di Stato: la scuola privata non è longer allowed, but the State becomes a party and then all schools are state schools, but also schools for this party. But there is another form to convert the school to get state party school or sect. Totalitarianism subtle, indirect, torpid, sluggish like some pneumonias that are without fever, but are dangerous. Let's say, so "theoretically, there is a ruling party, a ruling party, which, however, formally wants to respect the constitution, not want to violate the substance. It does not make the march on Rome and transform the classroom in housing for the handpiece, but wants to establish, without opinion, a disguised dictatorship. So, what to do to seize schools and to transform the State schools into Party schools? He realizes that the State schools have the defect of being impartial. There is some resistance, in those schools is always there, even under fascism has been there. Then, the dominant party follows another path (it's all a theoretical hypothesis, mind you).
starts to neglect the public schools, to discredit, to impoverish. Let it anemizzino and begins to favor private schools. Not all private schools. The schools of his party, that party. And then all these treatments are beginning to go to private schools. Cure of money and privileges. He even begins to advise the boys to go to these schools, because at the bottom it says are better than those of the state. And maybe give themselves awards, as now I will tell you, or proposes to give awards to citizens who are willing to send their children to public schools rather than private schools. A "those" private schools. The exams are easier, unless you study and you do best. So "the private school becomes a privileged school. The ruling party, could not transform the State schools openly in Party schools, send the dogs to schools to give priority to the state's private schools.
careful, friends, this conference that is the point that we must discuss. Please note that this is the recipe. We must keep an eye on the cooks of this low kitchen. The operation is done in three ways: (1) I have already said, ruin the State schools. Let go to hell. Depleting their budgets. Ignore their needs. (2) Mitigating the supervision and control over private schools. Do not check its reliability. Let the teachers teach you that do not have the minimum qualifications to teach. Let the examinations are jokes. (3) Giving public money to private schools. This is the point. Giving public money to private schools! The latter is the most dangerous. "The most dangerous phase of the whole operation
[...] . This then is the point, is the most dangerous method. Money for all citizens, di tutti i contribuenti, di tutti i credenti nelle diverse religioni, di tutti gli appartenenti ai diversi partiti, che invece viene destinato ad alimentare le scuole di una sola religione, di una sola setta, di un solo partito
[...] .
Per prevedere questo pericolo, non ci voleva molta furberia. Durante la Costituente, a prevenirlo nell'art. 33 della Costituzione fu messa questa disposizione: "Enti e privati hanno diritto di istituire scuole ed istituti di educazione senza onere per lo Stato". Come sapete questa formula nacque da un compromesso; e come tutte le formule nate da compromessi, offre il destro, oggi, ad interpretazioni sofistiche
[...] . Ma poi c'è un'altra questione che came out, which should allow to circumvent the law. This is what we lawyers call the "circumvention of the law", which is that something that customers ask causidici unscrupulous, to which the customer is directed to find out how it can break the law to observe
figuring [... ] . And so coming off the idea of \u200b\u200bfamily allowance, education of family allowance.
Minister of Education at the International Congress of the Family Institute, said the private school must serve to "stimulate" the most non-state expenses for teaching, but should not be excluded that the state gives subsidies to private schools. But he added: think, if a father does send his son to private school, they need to pay taxes. And this father is a citizen as a taxpayer who has already paid his fee to participate in the spending that the state pays for public schools. So this poor father has to pay twice the fee. Then this worthy citizen who wants to send her son to private school, to lift this double burden, it is given a family allowance. Who wants to send her son to private school, then turns to the state and has a grant, a check
[...] . The
send his son to private school is a right, so says the Constitution, but is a right to have it pay? "A right one, if you like, lo esercita, ma a proprie spese. Il cittadino che vuole mandare il figlio alla scuola privata, se la paghi, se no lo mandi alla scuola pubblica.
Per portare un paragone, nel campo della giustizia si potrebbe fare un discorso simile. Voi sapete come per ottenere giustizia ci sono i giudici pubblici; peraltro i cittadini, hanno diritto di fare decidere le loro controversie anche dagli arbitri. Ma l'arbitrato costa caro, spesso costa centinaia di migliaia di lire. Eppure non è mai venuto in mente a un cittadino, che preferisca ai giudici pubblici l'arbitrato, di rivolgersi allo Stato per chiedergli un sussidio allo scopo di pagarsi gli arbitri!
[...] . Dunque questo giuoco degli assegni familiari sarebbe, se fosse adottato, una specie di incitamento pagato a disertare le scuole dello Stato e quindi un modo indiretto di favorire certe scuole, un premio per chi manda i figli in certe scuole private dove si fabbricano non i cittadini e neanche i credenti in una certa religione, che può essere cosa rispettabile, ma si fabbricano gli elettori di un certo partito
[...] .
Poi, nella riforma, c'è la questione della parità. L'art. 33 della Costituzione nel comma che si riferisce alla parità, dice: "La legge, nel fissare diritti ed obblighi della scuola non statale, che chiede la parità, deve assicurare ad essa piena libertà, un trattamento equipollente a quello delle scuole statali"
[...] . Equal, s, "but we must remember that first of all, before granting equality, the state, says the same art. 33, must determine the rights and obligations of the school to which grants equal this, and remember that for a another paragraph of that article, the state has the task of presenting the general rules on education. So this equality does not mean surrender to ensure, to check the reliability of the studies, programs, teacher qualifications, the reliability of evidence. We must In short avoid this nauseating system, this repulsive system is encouraging schools to compete with the downward: that the state promotes not only the competition of private schools with public schools but che lo Stato favorisca questa concorrenza favorendo la scuola dove si insegna peggio, con un vero e proprio incoraggiamento ufficiale alla bestialità
[...] .
Però questa riforma mi dà l'impressione di quelle figure che erano di moda quando ero ragazzo. In quelle figure si vedevano foreste, alberi, stagni, monti, tutto un groviglio di tralci e di uccelli e di tante altre belle cose e poi sotto c'era scritto: trovate il cacciatore. Allora, a furia di cercare, in un angolino, si trovava il cacciatore con il fucile spianato. Anche nella riforma c'è il cacciatore con il fucile spianato. » la scuola privata che si vuole trasformare in scuola privilegiata. Questo è il punto che conta. Tutto il resto, astronomical figures of billions, will be far in the future, but the private school, if you're not careful, you really really tomorrow. The private school becomes a privileged school and from there begins the totalitarian school, the transformation from school to school in the Democratic party.
And then there's another danger, perhaps even more serious. "The danger of moral decay in the school. This sense of distrust, cynicism, rather than skepticism that is spreading in schools, especially among young people, is very significant. "The sunset of the ideas of the old school of Gaetano Salvemini, Augusto Monti: reliability, accuracy, honesty, punctuality. These simple ideas. Doing their duty, to teach. And that school is a school of character, forming consciences, to forming honest and loyal. Is spreading the idea that all this is over, that is no more. Today valid support, recommendations, pieces of a party or a parish. The religion that is in itself a serious matter, perhaps most serious, because the most serious thing in life is death, it becomes a despicable excuse for doing their business. This is the danger: the school's moral decay. It is not the school of priests that frightens us, because one hundred years ago there were schools where priests could teach Latin and Italian, which brought forth men like Carducci. What particularly scares are dishonest, men without character, without faith, without opinions. Ten years ago these men were Fascists, five years ago words were anti-fascists, and now are back under different names, that is, in substance fascist profiteers of the system.
And there is another danger to be overcome by discouragement. But we must not be overcome by discouragement. You see, it was rightly said that whoever won the war of 1918 was the Italian school, because those boys, whose bodies are still on the Carso, came out of our schools and our colleges and our universities. But look also at the Liberation and Resistance what happened. "Happened the same. There were professors and teachers who have given wonderful examples, from prison to martyrdom. A teacher who for many years serenely facing jail fascist is here among us. And all of us, old teachers we have in our heart the names of any students who were able to withstand the torture, who gave blood for the freedom of Italy. Think of these guys that came out of our schools and our thinking about them, do not despair of the future. We are faithful to the Resistance. We must, friends, schools continue to defend the strength and continuity of moral conscience.
'Yes vote via Spazziamolo With this slogan, the entire process of continuous values \u200b\u200bin support of the referendum campaign. On 19 March in Piazza Navona in Rome, from 14:30, great event to launch the referendum on such failure, nuclear and water, which will be celebrated in June. 
January 13 last year the Constitutional Court partially cleared the law on legitimate ground through which the premier had the right not to appear in court processes relating to him thus making them slip to the end of the mandate and the prescription. The consultation, however, left open a crack: the defendant may plead such failure if the day of the hearing are employed in the preparation or as a result of some institutional commitment. Knowing Berlusconi and his lawyers, we can rest assured that from now on will be busy every day of the hearing with any mission in the past, present or future. Therefore, it is also necessary to close the crack and we can only deal with the referendum Italy of Values, which calls for the abolition dry with no ifs and buts of that infamous law. 
